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    <title>Issue 99</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.socialtextjournal.org/journal/issue99/" />
    <link rel="self" type="application/atom+xml" href="http://www.socialtextjournal.org/journal/issue99/atom.xml" />
    <id>tag:www.socialtextjournal.org,2009-11-10:/journal/issue99/33</id>
    <updated>2009-12-17T22:36:45Z</updated>
    <subtitle>Summer 2009</subtitle>
    <generator uri="http://www.sixapart.com/movabletype/">Movable Type Pro 4.31-en</generator>

<entry>
    <title>Neocitizenship and Critique	</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.socialtextjournal.org/journal/issue99/neocitizenship-and-critique.php" />
    <id>tag:www.socialtextjournal.org,2009:/journal/issue99//33.441</id>

    <published>2009-12-17T22:29:04Z</published>
    <updated>2009-12-17T22:36:45Z</updated>

    <summary>This essay asks how the political identity and the domain of civic participation we reference with the term citizenship has been transformed in the contexts of neoliberalism. Michel Foucault famously argues that the subject of a market-centered, neoliberal governance structure is best understood as an entrepreneur of him- or herself. Recent influential scholarship in the (interdisciplinary) humanities and social sciences builds on Foucault&apos;s model of an entrepreneurial self-manager in order to posit a new mode of &quot;self-enterprising citizen-subject,&quot; not defined by her claims on the state. This essay considers how, to what degree and in what spheres of public life, the neoliberal self-manger exercises the political capacities of a citizen. The analysis dwells particularly on what many have observed is a contemporary dissolution of the modern nation-state synthesis, predicated on the exercise of popular sovereignty, but also, in complementary fashion, on the creation of civic pedagogies: on educational institutions that set specific norms of social and political identity, and thereby transform the &quot;mob&quot; into a national &quot;people.&quot; I argue that these kinds of normative (or disciplinary) pedagogies no longer seem functional to the aims of neoliberal governance and speculate on the parameters of an emerging &quot;neocitizenship,&quot; in which citizens and noncitizens alike appear primarily as the targets of knowledge and control, rather than of social discipline.</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Eva Cherniavsky</name>
        <uri>http://www.socialtextjournal.org/cgi-bin/mt/mt-cp.cgi?__mode=view&amp;blog_id=33&amp;id=81</uri>
    </author>
    
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en-US" xml:base="http://www.socialtextjournal.org/journal/issue99/">
        <![CDATA[<blockquote class="webkit-indent-blockquote" style="margin: 0 0 0 40px; border: none; padding: 0px;"><blockquote class="webkit-indent-blockquote" style="margin: 0 0 0 40px; border: none; padding: 0px;"><blockquote class="webkit-indent-blockquote" style="margin: 0 0 0 40px; border: none; padding: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11px; ">Identity now functions not so much to retain a representational space or&nbsp;</span><br /><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11px; ">define a trajectory toward cultural autonomy as it operates as a holograph&nbsp;</span><br /><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11px; ">of what the appropriate subject of a new form of governance might look&nbsp;</span><br /><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11px; ">like. The referents of identities are now less important than the capacity &nbsp;</span><br /><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11px; ">to look like an identity at all.&nbsp;</span><br /><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11px; ">-- Cindy Patton, "Tremble, Hetero Swine!"&nbsp;</span></blockquote><blockquote class="webkit-indent-blockquote" style="margin: 0 0 0 40px; border: none; padding: 0px;"><font class="Apple-style-span" size="3"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11px;"><br /></span></font><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11px; ">It may be that the true predicaments of our time will assume their&nbsp;</span><br /><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11px; ">authentic form . . . only when totalitarianism has become a thing of &nbsp;</span><br /><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11px; ">the past.&nbsp;</span><br /><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 9px; "><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; ">-- Hannah Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism</font><span style="font: 12.0px Helvetica"><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; ">&nbsp;</font></span></span></blockquote><blockquote class="webkit-indent-blockquote" style="margin: 0 0 0 40px; border: none; padding: 0px;"><span style="font: 12.0px Helvetica"><font class="Apple-style-span"></font></span><font class="Apple-style-span" face="Helvetica, helvetica, hirakakupro-w3, osaka, 'ms pgothic', sans-serif" size="4"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 15px;"><br /></span></font><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11px; ">And what if Rome once more conquered the revolution?&nbsp;</span><br /><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 9px; "><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; ">-- Michel Foucault, Society Must Be Defended</font></span></blockquote><blockquote class="webkit-indent-blockquote" style="margin: 0 0 0 40px; border: none; padding: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 9px; "><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; "></font><span style="font: 12.0px Helvetica"><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; ">&nbsp;</font></span></span></blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>











<p style="margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; font: 10.0px Times"><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; "><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; ">This essay asks how the political identity and the domain of civic practice&nbsp;we refer to by the term citizenship is transformed, eroded, or, perhaps,&nbsp;disappeared in the contexts of neoliberal governance. To put the question&nbsp;more pointedly: what happens -- what is presently happening -- to the&nbsp;meaning and practice of citizenship with the eclipse of popular sovereignty? By way of caveat lector, I confess at the outset that this essay has&nbsp;served as the occasion to pursue a rather particular, eclectic trajectory&nbsp;through a limited body of historical and critical work that compels my&nbsp;own thinking on this question. It is, unabashedly, both a prolonged and a&nbsp;preliminary meditation -- a chance to follow through on a line of thought&nbsp;that has emerged for me piecemeal, in graduate classrooms and conference halls, even as I know that I will not arrive. If nothing else, I hope to&nbsp;pressure the relation between subjects and citizens in the context of neo-liberal governance. My concern is not so much that in our rush to think&nbsp;the emergent modalities of state and corporate power routinely glossed as&nbsp;"neoliberal" we neglect the topic of political subject-constitution (though&nbsp;sometimes, of course, we do that, as well), but rather that when we do&nbsp;attend to latter-day "citizen-subjects," we proceed as though we know&nbsp;what we mean: as though the term citizen, divested of the modifier bourgeois, perhaps with an alternate descriptor attached (e.g., flexible), can&nbsp;</font></font></p>
<p style="margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; font: 10.0px Times"><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; "><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; ">name the relation of subjects to the institutions of neoliberal governance&nbsp;as well as it did, not so very long ago, to the legal and civic institutions&nbsp;of the bourgeois nation-state. In this regard, it's only too apparent that&nbsp;the we of the preceding sentence is no ingenuous rhetorical choice, as my&nbsp;own title brashly enacts the very same critical maneuver. At the same&nbsp;time, my aspiration in this essay is to hold open the question of whether&nbsp;"citizens" and "citizenship" outlives its modern conditions of possibility&nbsp;and, especially, the related question of what claims we can make for (and&nbsp;about) it -- whether our intellectual reflexes, honed on the critique of the&nbsp;"old" citizenship and its contexts (abstract equality, racial nationalism,&nbsp;bourgeois civil society, and so forth), are adequate to the critical engagement with whatever it is we now name citizenship, what Michael Hardt&nbsp;expressly calls "the citizen as a whatever identity."</font></font></p> ]]>
        
    </content>
</entry>

<entry>
    <title>TV Urgente: Urban Exclusion, Civil Society, and the Politics of Television in Venezuela</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.socialtextjournal.org/journal/issue99/tv-urgente-urban-exclusion-civil-society-and-the-politics-of-television-in-venezuela.php" />
    <id>tag:www.socialtextjournal.org,2009:/journal/issue99//33.440</id>

    <published>2009-12-17T22:22:14Z</published>
    <updated>2009-12-17T22:28:36Z</updated>

    <summary>This essay explores the politics of representation in contemporary Venezuelan television, which in its mainstream forms has produced an urban imaginary that models national citizenship on the geographic, class, and racial divisions of the Venezuelan metropolis. The nation&apos;s airwaves have been a crucial theater of partisan class conflict in Venezuelan society since the election of President Hugo ChÃ¡vez, a radical social democrat who has counted on the residents of the nation&apos;s huge urban slums, or barrios, as a major constituency. This study concentrates on the two major antagonists in this televisual battle by exploring their visual content and production methods in the context of the history of Caracas&apos;s barrios and the nation&apos;s television industry. On one side, GlobovisiÃ³n, a private cable news channel, commands the loyalty of the nation&apos;s middle-class anti-ChÃ¡vez opposition; on the other, Catia TVe, a nonprofessional UHF station based in west Caracas&apos;s barrios, mobilizes its urban constituency with some state financing. The essay examines the different forms of political citizenship that these stations offer and explores how they complicate popular liberal notions of &quot;civil society.&quot; It also reconsiders questions about the political role of mass media--to what extent are citizens manipulated as objects of the television media, and can they become subject-participants in their own representation? Finally, this study provides a critical examination of the formally innovative model of &quot;alternative&quot; media production that Catia TVe offers.</summary>
    <author>
        <name>John Patrick Leary</name>
        <uri>http://www.socialtextjournal.org/cgi-bin/mt/mt-cp.cgi?__mode=view&amp;blog_id=33&amp;id=82</uri>
    </author>
    
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en-US" xml:base="http://www.socialtextjournal.org/journal/issue99/">
        <![CDATA[<p style="margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; font: 10.0px Times"><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; "><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; ">"Aqui no hay barrios" (There are no barrios here) was what real estate&nbsp;agents told me when they showed me apartments in one of the middle-class&nbsp;zones of eastern Caracas, to assure me that the slum districts that house&nbsp;roughly half of the city's population, called barrios in Venezuela, were safely&nbsp;distant. Shortly after I arrived in the country, a security official at the U.S.&nbsp;Embassy warned me never to travel into the slums. "The people there are&nbsp;so desperately poor," he insisted earnestly, "that they'll rob your shoes,&nbsp;your shirt, your eyeglasses, your belt -- and that's if you get out alive." The&nbsp;</font></font></p>
<p style="margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; font: 10.0px Times"><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; "><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; ">barrios are often identified in everyday conversations like these as a kind of&nbsp;cancer on the city, pouring bodies into and draining resources out of the&nbsp;valley of Caracas. Caracas's slums have been steadily growing since the&nbsp;1950s, but in the 1990s, their population surged alongside the marginal&nbsp;quarters of BogotÃ¡, Lima, and the other outsized metropolises of Latin&nbsp;America. But in Venezuela this constituency has succeeded in leveraging its&nbsp;local energies into a national political movement. In a country where over&nbsp;85 percent of the population lives in cities, the radical social-democratic&nbsp;government of Hugo ChÃ¡vez has counted largely on barrio residents for its&nbsp;</font></font></p>
<p style="margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; font: 10.0px Times"><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; "><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; ">base of support. The politics of media and journalism, moreover, have&nbsp;played a uniquely prominent role in the class conflict that has occupied&nbsp;Venezuelan society for the last six years. On both the right and left, the&nbsp;airwaves have become a critical theater in the political and social conflict&nbsp;of a divided nation.&nbsp;</font></font></p>
<br class="Apple-interchange-newline" /> ]]>
        
    </content>
</entry>

<entry>
    <title>The Labor Factor in the Creative Economy: A Marxist Reading</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.socialtextjournal.org/journal/issue99/the-labor-factor-in-the-creative-economy-a-marxist-reading.php" />
    <id>tag:www.socialtextjournal.org,2009:/journal/issue99//33.439</id>

    <published>2009-12-17T22:16:09Z</published>
    <updated>2009-12-17T22:21:37Z</updated>

    <summary>This paper offers a Marxist analysis of the creative agency conceptualized by the new creative economy. Analyzing the differences and continuities between the creative economy and the traditional industrial economy, I explore how creative labor is selectively invested with the logics of both artistic production and industrial production, so that the creative economy, like and unlike the traditional industrial economy, could operate and proliferate amid the tensions between scarcity and abundance. Labor does not evaporate in the creative economy, but it is only more intricately shaped to accommodate to and justify a condensed and twisted late-capitalist economic logic.</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Laikwan Pang</name>
        <uri>http://www.socialtextjournal.org/cgi-bin/mt/mt-cp.cgi?__mode=view&amp;blog_id=33&amp;id=83</uri>
    </author>
    
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en-US" xml:base="http://www.socialtextjournal.org/journal/issue99/">
        <![CDATA[<p style="margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; font: 10.0px Times"><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; "><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; ">In the advent of the creative economy,1 creativity is turned into a tool for&nbsp;economic development. Through the reification of creativity, freedom is&nbsp;celebrated, and a new type of democracy is conjured up, which is not based&nbsp;on political participation but on free access to creativity -- everybody&nbsp;can produce creatively, and everybody can consume creative products&nbsp;according to individual tastes. Within such a discourse of celebration,&nbsp;what must be strategically ignored is the labor dimension essential to&nbsp;</font></font></p>
<p style="margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; font: 10.0px Times"><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; "><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; ">creative production. The creative economy relies on but also dismisses&nbsp;the materiality of creative labor. My focus in this essay is precisely to&nbsp;explicate the labor factor that makes up this creative economy.</font></font></p> ]]>
        
    </content>
</entry>

<entry>
    <title>Seventeen Years, Seventeen Murders: Biospectacularity and the Production of Post-Cold War Knowledge in El Salvador	</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.socialtextjournal.org/journal/issue99/seventeen-years-seventeen-murders-biospectacularity-and-the-production-of-post-cold-war-knowledge-in.php" />
    <id>tag:www.socialtextjournal.org,2009:/journal/issue99//33.438</id>

    <published>2009-12-17T22:08:17Z</published>
    <updated>2009-12-17T22:15:48Z</updated>

    <summary>This essay develops the concept of biospectacle, in which the politics of managing populations becomes sensational visual display. It does so as it explores a series of events in 1999 surrounding the arrest and trial of &quot;El Directo,&quot; a gang member in El Salvador who, at age seventeen, was accused of seventeen murders. The episode occurred at a key political conjuncture, at the end of a brutal decade in which staggering crime rates belied the Central American country&apos;s claim to an internationally lauded &quot;peace.&quot; The El Directo biospectacle emerged from the convergence of a widely shared sense of out-of-control postwar criminality with the potent memory of past &quot;terrorist subversion&quot; of the war era and before. It was orchestrated by media moguls, powerful politicians, and law-enforcement leaders who opposed legal limits on sentences for juveniles imposed by United Nations conventions. They also hoped to reassert the mano dura (or iron-fist style) penal order that had been loosened after the war. But as a symbolically dense figure, crystallizing the contradictions of the moment, El Directo&apos;s meaning would be reconfigured on multiple planes. The biospectacle represented both anxiety and affinity, meeting a desire in the larger population to grasp palpable insecurity, to understand what was happening in a future once imagined as &quot;peace.&quot;</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Ellen Moodie</name>
        <uri>http://www.socialtextjournal.org/cgi-bin/mt/mt-cp.cgi?__mode=view&amp;blog_id=33&amp;id=84</uri>
    </author>
    
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en-US" xml:base="http://www.socialtextjournal.org/journal/issue99/">
        <![CDATA[<p style="margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; font: 10.0px Times"><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; "><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; ">Skulls rise. Then shins. Then kneecaps. Then fingers. Toes. Teeth. Jumbled fragments soon to be assembled by forensic anthropologists into a&nbsp;stiff mimesis of body space once inhabited so carelessly.&nbsp;</font></font></p><p style="margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; font: 10.0px Times"><font class="Apple-style-span" size="4"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 16px;"><br /></span></font></p><p style="margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; font: 10.0px Times"><font class="Apple-style-span" size="4"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 16px;"></span></font></p><font class="Apple-style-span" size="4"><p style="margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; font: 10.0px Times"><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; "><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; ">In late January 1999, dozens of journalists descended on a graffiti-covered neighborhood at the edge of the sweaty departmental capital of&nbsp;San Miguel, in eastern El Salvador, in search of bones. They came back&nbsp;wielding the corpse reportage long familiar to Salvadorans after a dozen&nbsp;years of war. All the evening news shows seemed to cut the same segments:&nbsp;first a vertical pan of squinty-eyed firefighters emerging from the depths&nbsp;of abandoned wells -- gripping those skulls and shins and kneecaps. Next&nbsp;a long zoom shot onto the skulls -- as if they were seeking scraps of flesh or&nbsp;shreds of hair. Yearning for a face in mute bone. The visions roused tabloid&nbsp;</font></font></p>
<p style="margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; font: 10.0px Times"><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; "><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; ">editors to conjure lurid captions in the morning papers: "Pozos macabros"&nbsp;("Macabre wells") and "Pozos de la muerte" ("Wells of death").</font></font></p></font><p></p> ]]>
        
    </content>
</entry>

<entry>
    <title>Not Yet Beyond the Veil: Muslim Women in American Popular Literature</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.socialtextjournal.org/journal/issue99/not-yet-beyond-the-veil-muslim-women-in-american-popular-literature.php" />
    <id>tag:www.socialtextjournal.org,2009:/journal/issue99//33.437</id>

    <published>2009-12-17T21:55:38Z</published>
    <updated>2009-12-17T22:07:14Z</updated>

    <summary>Following a brief discussion of Chinua Achebe&apos;s THINGS FALL APART, this essay examines the newly burgeoning genre of &quot;oppressed Muslim women&quot; narratives. For each of the texts under consideration--Jean Sasson&apos;s PRINCESS, Latifa and ShÃ©kÃ©ba Hachemi&apos;s MY FORBIDDEN FACE, Azar Nafisi&apos;s READING LOLITA IN TEHRAN, and Suzanne Fisher Staples&apos;s SHABANU: DAUGHTER OF THE WIND--Ahmad examines its claims toward authenticity and also notes the places in which those claims are undermined. Ahmad focuses on how the texts at once generate and challenge essentialized misreadings, misreadings that then proliferate within a prevailing interpretive field that posits feminism and multiculturalism as irreconcilable goals. The emphasis in the essay is on reader reception as well as content: whereas some of the texts responsibly recognize and depict local specificities, that nuance often disappears as readers situate texts within a &quot;clash of civilizations&quot; discourse. Ahmad considers as well the effect of publishing apparatuses like covers, appendices, and reviews, which can encourage a reductive and simplistic reception. The essay concludes with an emphasis on interpretive and pedagogical practices that discourage reductive ethnographic readings.</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Dohra Ahmad</name>
        <uri>http://www.socialtextjournal.org/cgi-bin/mt/mt-cp.cgi?__mode=view&amp;blog_id=33&amp;id=85</uri>
    </author>
    
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en-US" xml:base="http://www.socialtextjournal.org/journal/issue99/">
        <![CDATA[<p style="margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; font: 10.0px Times"><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; "><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; ">In his 1977 essay "An Image of Africa: Racism in Conrad's HEART OF DARKNESS," Chinua Achebe tells of receiving a letter from a high school student&nbsp;</font></font></p>
<p style="margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; font: 10.0px Times"><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; "><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; ">in Yonkers who upon reading Achebe's novel THINGS FALL APART "was particularly happy to learn about the customs and superstitions of an African tribe." Among other problems of preconception and ethnocentrism,&nbsp;Achebe here points to the damaging habit of approaching fiction as a&nbsp;transparent, practically invisible conveyance for ethnography. Beyond&nbsp;the student's failure to consider the engrained behaviors of "his own&nbsp;tribesmen in Yonkers, New York," as Achebe puts it, there lies an even&nbsp;more basic fallacy: the idea that a novel can serve as a reliable container&nbsp;</font></font></p>
<p style="margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; font: 10.0px Times"><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; "><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; ">for "customs and superstitions." Since 1977, if anything, this reductive&nbsp;ethnographic reading practice has become more prevalent, to the point&nbsp;where college syllabi, Amazon bulletin boards, and professional book&nbsp;reviews alike exhibit a hermeneutic division of labor that allows Western&nbsp;representations to be ironic and complex and reads "third-world" and&nbsp;"minority" writing as exclusively mimetic.</font></font></p> ]]>
        
    </content>
</entry>

<entry>
    <title>Editorial Note</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.socialtextjournal.org/journal/issue99/editorial-note.php" />
    <id>tag:www.socialtextjournal.org,2009:/journal/issue99//33.436</id>

    <published>2009-12-17T21:46:47Z</published>
    <updated>2009-12-17T21:51:36Z</updated>

    <summary><![CDATA[From its inception, SOCIAL TEXT has regularly published work in translation.&nbsp;Although translations have perhaps been less prominent than in some other&nbsp;journals (the early New Left Review, New German Critique, and Telos, for&nbsp;example), the commitment to making significant texts in foreign...]]></summary>
    <author>
        <name>Brent Hayes Edwards</name>
        <uri>http://www.socialtextjournal.org/cgi-bin/mt/mt-cp.cgi?__mode=view&amp;blog_id=33&amp;id=36</uri>
    </author>
    
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en-US" xml:base="http://www.socialtextjournal.org/journal/issue99/">
        <![CDATA[<p style="margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; font: 10.0px Times"><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; "><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; ">From its inception, SOCIAL TEXT has regularly published work in translation.&nbsp;Although translations have perhaps been less prominent than in some other&nbsp;journals (the early New Left Review, New German Critique, and Telos, for&nbsp;example), the commitment to making significant texts in foreign languages&nbsp;available to English-language readers has been central to our editorial collective's understanding of the journal's mission. Over the past thirty years,&nbsp;SOCIAL TEXT has published the first translations into English of major works by&nbsp;theorists including Michel de Certeau, Jacques Attali, and Roberto FernÃ¡ndez Retamar, as well as a wide range of literature, scholarship, and interviews with academics, visual artists, performers, and political activists.</font></font></p>
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    </content>
</entry>

<entry>
    <title>A Short Introduction to Adorno&apos;s Mediation between &quot;Kultur&quot; and Culture</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.socialtextjournal.org/journal/issue99/a-short-introduction-to-adornos-mediation-between-kultur-and-culture.php" />
    <id>tag:www.socialtextjournal.org,2009:/journal/issue99//33.435</id>

    <published>2009-12-17T21:36:55Z</published>
    <updated>2009-12-17T21:45:52Z</updated>

    <summary>This introduction to the translation of Theodor W. Adorno&apos;s &quot;Kultur and Culture,&quot; originally a lecture not intended for transcription and publication, situates the talk amongst Adorno&apos;s analyses of U.S. society and traces his distinctions between European and American understandings of culture. The talk is a rare example where Adorno discusses culture per se, as opposed to his work on &quot;culture industry&quot; and &quot;cultural criticism.&quot; The object of the critical and dialectical critique--a prime example of &quot;immanent critique&quot; as understood by the Frankfurt school--is the Enlightenment, both as a historical epoch and as human beings&apos; increasing technical mastery over nature. In its historical sense, the Enlightenment has been victorious in the United States, where free and equal citizens engage in market exchanges as free agents, without feudal and precapitalist residues. Examining the concept of culture in American and European context suggests that in the United States, culture is seen as an exertion of control over human nature and one&apos;s natural surroundings. On the other hand, the Old World is &quot;cultured&quot; because it preserved, cared for nature: the Enlightenment as humans&apos; increasing technical mastery over nature has not been completely victorious. In its critique of the Enlightenment both in the historical and philosophical sense, &quot;Kultur and Culture&quot; seeks to transcend the dichotomy of uncritically identifying oneself with or hypercritically isolating oneself from the United States. It rejects the opposition between the allegedly profound German Kultur and the &quot;mere civilization&quot; of the United States. The introduction concludes by highlighting the main challenges of translating &quot;Kultur and Culture&quot;: the author&apos;s complex sentences and the characteristics of a spontaneous, freely held speech, which are mirrored in the syntax of the translation.</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Mark Kalbus</name>
        <uri>http://www.socialtextjournal.org/cgi-bin/mt/mt-cp.cgi?__mode=view&amp;blog_id=33&amp;id=86</uri>
    </author>
    
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en-US" xml:base="http://www.socialtextjournal.org/journal/issue99/">
        <![CDATA[<p style="margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; font: 10.0px Times"><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; "><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; ">On 17 December 1956, Theodor W. Adorno gave a talk entitled "Some&nbsp;Aspects of a Comparison between German and American Culture" at the&nbsp;Historical Society of the U.S. Army's Third Armored Division in Hanau&nbsp;near Frankfurt am Main. His lecture, as he told his older colleague Max&nbsp;Horkheimer in a letter written in October of the following year, had been&nbsp;received exceedingly well; "the atmosphere," he continued, "was extremely&nbsp;pleasant and the generals exhibited a friendliness and humanity, even&nbsp;</font></font></p>
<p style="margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; font: 10.0px Times"><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; "><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; ">towards their own soldiers, that had something surprising and very agreeable about it."1 On 9 July 1958, Adorno gave this talk again. This time,&nbsp;however, the lecture was held in German at an annual event of continuing education, called the "Hessische Hochschulwochen fÃ¼r staatswissenschaftliche Fortbildung," in Bad Wildungen.</font></font></p> ]]>
        
    </content>
</entry>

<entry>
    <title>Kultur and Culture - Theodor W. Adorno</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.socialtextjournal.org/journal/issue99/kultur-and-culture---theodor-w-adorno.php" />
    <id>tag:www.socialtextjournal.org,2009:/journal/issue99//33.411</id>

    <published>2009-11-13T17:57:47Z</published>
    <updated>2009-11-13T18:01:35Z</updated>

    <summary>This lecture examines American and European understandings of the concept of culture and highlights the need for developing critical thought instead of yielding to the strength of the status quo in either setting. At the heart of the contrast between American and German culture lie two approaches toward the word culture: (1) gaining mastery over one&apos;s natural surroundings and human nature; and (2) caring for and preserving nature that the human power simultaneously destroys. These approaches are not without negative aspects: American culture, based on the idea of taming nature, does not go beyond shaping the external world and relationships between people. In Germany, grounding the concept of culture in the idea of conserving nature for its own sake has led to spiritualization, to Geisteskultur but has made people forget the idea of culture as a conscious confrontation of external and internal nature that shapes political reality. On the basis of these two approaches to culture, Americans tend to regard European culture as limited to aesthetics, and Germans see Americans as &quot;uncultured.&quot; Opposing this anti-American stance, the lecture points out that in American society of pure exchange, democracy is more substantial than in Germany: the universality of the exchange principle leads to a greater freedom from authority, does not allow one to isolate oneself in one&apos;s own individual interests, and brings benevolence to human interactions. However, the exchange society generates the pressure of conformity, particularly dangerous for emigrant intellectuals. The talk thus seeks to overcome the dichotomy of uncritically identifying oneself with, or hypercritically isolating oneself from, the United States. Adorno proposes that it is not enough simply to understand one another or realize that everything has positive and negative sides: in both the United States and Europe it is crucial not to let go of critical thought and surrender to the status quo.</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Mark Kalbus</name>
        <uri>http://www.socialtextjournal.org/cgi-bin/mt/mt-cp.cgi?__mode=view&amp;blog_id=33&amp;id=86</uri>
    </author>
    
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en-US" xml:base="http://www.socialtextjournal.org/journal/issue99/">
        <![CDATA[<p style="margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; font: 10.0px Times"><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; "><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; ">However gratefully the author appreciates the initiative of the directors&nbsp;of the Hochschulwochen to make its talks available to its participants in a&nbsp;privately published edition, he nonetheless hesitates to consent to the publication of his own contribution. He is aware of the fact that in his mode&nbsp;of action the spoken and the written word are even farther apart than is&nbsp;generally the case today. If he spoke in such a way as he would have to&nbsp;write for the sake of the binding force of factual representation, he would&nbsp;remain incomprehensible. Nothing, however, that he says can do justice&nbsp;to what he must expect of a text. The more general the topics -- and the&nbsp;</font></font></p>
<p style="margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; font: 10.0px Times"><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; "><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; ">subject of this published talk was worded in a fatally general way -- the&nbsp;greater the difficulties become for someone whom a critic recently and in&nbsp;a friendly manner certified that his production conformed to the dictum&nbsp;"God is in the details." Where a text would have to provide exact documentary proof, such talks inevitably do not go beyond the dogmatic claim&nbsp;of results. He is thus unable to accept the responsibility for the printed&nbsp;text that follows and merely regards it as aiding the memory of those&nbsp;who were present during his improvisation and who -- as a result of the&nbsp;modest stimulations that he provided -- want to continue thinking about&nbsp;the discussed questions on their own. The author regards the ubiquitous&nbsp;tendency to record free speech [<i>die freie Rede</i>], as it is called, on tape, and&nbsp;then to disseminate it itself as a symptom of the administered world that&nbsp;even ties down the ephemeral word, whose truth lies in its own transience,&nbsp;and then makes the speaker swear to it. The tape recording is something&nbsp;like the fingerprint of the living mind [<i>lebendigen Geistes</i>]. By making use&nbsp;of the kind readiness of the course's director to say all of these things&nbsp;openly, the author hopes to prevent at least some of the misinterpretations&nbsp;to which he would otherwise inevitably subject himself. [Trans. by Mark Kalbus]</font></font></p>
<br class="Apple-interchange-newline" /> ]]>
        
    </content>
</entry>

<entry>
    <title>Questions on Intellectual Emigration - Theodor W. Adorno</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.socialtextjournal.org/journal/issue99/questions-on-intellectual-emigration.php" />
    <id>tag:www.socialtextjournal.org,2009:/journal/issue99//33.410</id>

    <published>2009-11-13T17:49:04Z</published>
    <updated>2009-11-13T17:57:28Z</updated>

    <summary>This article explores the notion of contribution and the role of emigrant intellectuals in relation to their new cultural context. Using the example of German exiles in the United States, Adorno suggests that if emigrants find the demands for intellectual independence in discord with the dominant habits of American intellectual life, they should not conform to the American Geist. In academic fields, the notion of contribution is visible in the positive sciences but becomes more problematic in the humanities, where contribution appears not as a palpable result but as a reflection about the results and the nature of the contribution itself. The idea of contribution presupposes the merit of the order to which the contribution is being made: it is precisely this merit of the order that needs to be scrutinized. Emigrant intellectuals--by making contributions without critically reflecting upon them--and the organization of American intellectual life itself--by insisting that the intellectual either integrate him- or herself or remain an outsider--are to blame for furthering standardized contribution. The emigrant intellectual should not accept the idea of &quot;this is the way it is done here&quot; but needs to develop critical thought in relation to the new context. The article proposes four demands to intellectual emigration: (1) one should not cancel out previous life experience and consider emigration as beginning life anew; (2) one must resist the pressure of the industrial apparatus; (3) one must express one&apos;s thoughts without regards for ends and the sake of communication; and (4) one must not curtail insight, imagination, and speculation. The article thus propounds the idea that we can only contribute to the building of a better society by not &quot;blindly devot[ing] ourselves to the existing&quot; one.</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Mark Kalbus</name>
        <uri>http://www.socialtextjournal.org/cgi-bin/mt/mt-cp.cgi?__mode=view&amp;blog_id=33&amp;id=86</uri>
    </author>
    
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en-US" xml:base="http://www.socialtextjournal.org/journal/issue99/">
        <![CDATA[<p style="margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; font: 10.0px Times"><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; "><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; ">Let me immediately take up the distinction between immigration and&nbsp;emigration. Many of you might find it pedantic. But as an expression&nbsp;of an attitude it appears to me to be considerable. The immigrant is the&nbsp;incomer [<i>Einwanderer</i>] who enters more or less voluntarily because he or&nbsp;she is attracted by the limitless opportunities. The emigrant is the one&nbsp;expelled [<i>vertriebene</i>], the refugee, who seeks and -- as we have done in&nbsp;America -- finds shelter. If we wanted to call ourselves immigrants, we&nbsp;would be in the right in the sense of our immigration papers, but at the&nbsp;same time we would deny our actual situation. We would express a zeal&nbsp;that our American friends probably notice -- even if they are too polite&nbsp;to say so. [Trans. by Mark Kalbus]</font></font></p> ]]>
        
    </content>
</entry>

<entry>
    <title>Depression Today, or New Maladies of the Economy</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.socialtextjournal.org/journal/issue99/depression-today-or-new-maladies-of-the-economy.php" />
    <id>tag:www.socialtextjournal.org,2009:/journal/issue99//33.409</id>

    <published>2009-11-13T17:40:59Z</published>
    <updated>2009-11-13T17:44:23Z</updated>

    <summary>Drawing on recent theories of affect and affectivity, this essay argues that depression is an &quot;affect&quot; that connects the individual and the social. In particular, depression serves as both a response to, and a cause of, economic fears and uncertainties--a &quot;quasi-cause&quot; that opens up negative feelings into political potentials. In examination of two NEW YORK TIMES feature articles from the mid-1970s, the essay suggests that depression and economic crisis have been ineluctably linked in the recent period of neoliberalism.</summary>
    <author>
        <name>John Andrews</name>
        <uri>http://www.socialtextjournal.org/cgi-bin/mt/mt-cp.cgi?__mode=view&amp;blog_id=33&amp;id=87</uri>
    </author>
    
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en-US" xml:base="http://www.socialtextjournal.org/journal/issue99/">
        <![CDATA[<p style="margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; font: 10.0px Times"><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; "><font class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 1.25em; ">Depression seems now to represent the mental problem par excellence in&nbsp;the United States, disturbing an increasing number of people and encompassing a wide range of psychic and bodily symptoms. According to the&nbsp;National Institute of Mental Health, over 10 percent of the population&nbsp;currently suffers from some sort of depression, including major depressive disorder, chronic mild depression, psychotic depression, postpartum&nbsp;depression, seasonal affective disorder (SAD), and bipolar disorder. At&nbsp;some point in their lives, the NIMH predicts, most people have suffered or&nbsp;will suffer from depression. Reigning neurochemical, cognitive, and psychiatric understandings of depression emphasize function and dysfunction,&nbsp;but I would like to mobilize the idea that depression represents an affect that&nbsp;connects, mediates, and blurs the individual and the social. Indeed, the&nbsp;explosion of academic interest in affect, emotion, and bodily capacities -- &nbsp;what Patricia Clough coined "the affective turn" -- has not only supplied&nbsp;us with multiple and varied concepts of affect and affectivity, but perhaps more important signals its theoretical and political significance in&nbsp;thinking the history of the present. The numerous configurations under&nbsp;a broadly conceived heading of "the affective turn" have several antecedents (most notably in psychoanalysis and philosophy) and have been&nbsp;developed and debated over the last ten years in fields as diverse as literary&nbsp;studies, gender and sexuality studies, ethnic studies, queer theory, science&nbsp;studies, sociology, anthropology, and cultural studies more generally.&nbsp;Some commonalities among the divergent theorists of affect will facilitate&nbsp;my thought here.</font></font></p> ]]>
        
    </content>
</entry>

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