As these details intimate, there is a highly and horizontally organized working structure to the occupation. Moreover, contrary to some media coverage, there is also shared message among the thousands. The message is articulated differently, from anarchists to church ladies, union members to homeless youth, but it is shared. A widely circulated leaflet at the occupation described the movement as "an otherwise unaffiliated group of concerned citizens who have come together with the general purpose of holding Wall Street accountable for their fiscal recklessness and criminal perversion of the democratic process." Citizens at OWS are raising their voices against the rapacious excesses of the financial system, and the aiding and abetting of that pillage by our elected officials. For those who believe that language sounds excessive, consider the 14.2 million home foreclosures that have occurred between 2006 and 2010. Think of dwindling pension funds, California's public education system, the lavish executive bonuses juxtaposed to the noose tightening around public services and working people across our country. In response, Occupy Wall Street offers citizens a space where "the 99%" can begin to imagine and enact a reinvigorated democracy and a more equitable financial system. 

With this openly shared message in mind, is important to push back against the rhetoric of "disorganization," or "a movement without a message" coming from left, right, and center. Occupy Wall Street is practicing an ethic of radical democracy: every voice counts and every action is meaningful. Eschewing hierarchies of charismatic leadership, narrow messaging, or sound bites, the movement makes room for multiples, and asks that disagreements make room for one another. The thousands of voices, bodies, minds, and hearts on Wall St. everyday do not have to agree in any constricted sense in order to be effective. Indeed, space for multiple voices and multiple concerns defines the movement. It is stronger in its multiplicity. 

The process of "occupation" (hundreds of people camped permanently in Zuccotti park) is modeled explicitly on the occupation of Egypt's Tahrir Square. Zuccotti Park has been renamed Liberty Park. The movement is overtly international in its influences and scope, and routinely invokes similar occupations of public space not only in Egypt, but also in Spain, Greece, Senegal, and elsewhere, where citizens have also been demanding less precarious lives: affordable education, food, shelter, and health care; the right to a fairly-remunerated livelihood. 

Some of the more specific goals of the movement are recognizably liberal and achievable within our current political economy: 

• more progressive taxation policies including a definitive end to the Bush tax cuts;
• new regulation, and renewed enforcement of existing regulation of large banks; 
• regulations on the mis-allocation of capital toward speculation and fictitious investment vehicles, steering it toward productive uses in infrastructure, the arts, and other paths that will create employment and the greatest good for the greatest number.
• banning of private campaign finance 

Some of the more specific goals require imaginative work: